CLAIMS

Published by the Commonwealth of Humanity Tribunal on Crimes Against Humanity
Date: May 26, 2026

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This page applies the Commonwealth's Procedure directly. Each packet identifies claim type, publication status, evidence basis, foreseeable challenge, and current answer so the argument can be audited one claim at a time.

The status labels on this page use the Procedure's published thresholds exactly: established, strongly inferred, and provisional.


COH-CLAIM-001

Claim text
Human beings predate every government, every court, and every law written by those who claimed authority over us.

Claim type
Factual

Status
Established

Evidence basis
Anatomically modern humans (Homo sapiens) have existed for roughly 300,000 years according to all known geological records.[1] The earliest known states, with centralized governments, courts, written laws, and rulers claiming authority over subjects, appear no earlier than about 5,500 years ago.[2][3] The archaeological, genetic, and anthropological record confirms that everything before that was stateless: small bands, tribes, or chiefdoms rather than states with coercive monopolies on law, taxation, or violence.[4]

Strongest foreseeable challenge
The challenge is not likely to dispute the chronology itself, but to argue that early non-state societies still had hierarchy, coercion, or customary authority, and therefore that the claim overstates what statelessness proves.

Current answer
The claim does not require romanticizing stateless societies or denying that pre-state communities could be coercive. The narrower point is chronological and structural: states, courts, and written law are historically late inventions, so they cannot be treated as morally prior to human beings or as preconditions of human coexistence.

Links
Evidence | Procedure | First Principles | Indictment

Sources for COH-CLAIM-001

[1] Smithsonian Human Origins Program, "Our species arose at least 300,000 years ago." Source for the age of Homo sapiens and the Jebel Irhoud evidence.

[2] Norman Yoffee, "Early Mesopotamia: The Presumptive State." Source for the Uruk-period emergence of urbanism, writing, and institutional political authority in southern Mesopotamia.

[3] World History Encyclopedia, "Code of Ur-Nammu." Source for the oldest extant written law code and the chronology showing written law arriving far later than the first humans.

[4] C. J. H. Macdonald, "The Anthropology of Anarchy." Source for the anthropological treatment of stateless societies, especially foragers and horticulturalists.


COH-CLAIM-002

Claim text
Rich Western governments have repeatedly launched wars that killed hundreds of thousands of civilians, yet the people at the top have almost never faced criminal punishment.

Claim type
Interpretive

Status
Strongly inferred

Evidence basis
The page's original evidence set documents a repeated pattern: nearly 400 U.S. military interventions in more than 80 countries since 1776 according to the Military Intervention Project, with independent corroboration from the Congressional Research Service.[18][19] It also cites major civilian-death cases and supporting records from Iraq, Vietnam, Korea, Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Cambodia, Guatemala, Indonesia, Chile, and Iran Air Flight 655.[1][3][6][7][10][12][14][16][17]

Strongest foreseeable challenge
The strongest challenge is that this compresses very different wars, legal contexts, casualty methodologies, and actor chains into one pattern claim, then adds a broad conclusion about elite impunity that may vary by case.

Current answer
The claim is labeled strongly inferred rather than established for exactly that reason. The public record still shows converging evidence of repeated mass civilian death across multiple Western-led campaigns and a persistent failure to impose criminal punishment on top decision-makers. Readers may contest inclusion boundaries or individual death estimates, but the larger pattern of severe violence plus elite impunity remains well supported.

Links
Evidence | Procedure | Indictment | Dossiers

Sources for COH-CLAIM-002

[1] Iraq Body Count, "About the Iraq Body Count project." Independent incident-based documentation of civilian violent deaths from the 2003 intervention.

[2] Burnham et al., "Mortality after the 2003 invasion of Iraq." Independent peer-reviewed excess-mortality estimate.

[3] Encyclopaedia Britannica, "How many people died in the Vietnam War?" Source for the 1995 official Vietnamese estimate of as many as 2,000,000 civilian deaths.

[4] U.S. National Archives, "Pentagon Papers." Primary-source documentation for U.S. policy ownership and escalation.

[5] U.S. National Archives, "Electronic Records Relating to the Vietnam War." Primary-source datasets on casualties, operations, and pacification.

[6] Dong-Choon Kim, "The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Korea." Independent scholarship summarizing truth-commission findings on Korean War civilian massacres and overall deaths.

[7] Encyclopaedia Britannica, "Atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki." Source for the direct and later radiation-related death ranges.

[8] Yale Genocide Studies Program, "The United States Bombing of Cambodia, 1965-1973." Source for the bombing chronology and documentary trail tying the campaign to Johnson, Nixon, and Kissinger.

[9] Owen and Kiernan, "Bombs Over Cambodia." Independent scholarship for the commonly cited 50,000-150,000 civilian-death range.

[10] Guatemala Commission for Historical Clarification, Memory of Silence. Source for the estimate of more than 200,000 killed or disappeared.

[11] CIA Reading Room, Guatemala collection. Primary-source documentation of CIA involvement in the 1954 coup.

[12] Chandra, "New Findings on the Indonesian Killings of 1965-66." Independent scholarship for the consensus estimate of approximately 500,000 deaths.

[13] National Security Archive, "U.S. Embassy Tracked Indonesia Mass Murder 1965." Declassified documentary evidence of U.S. knowledge and support.

[14] Rettig Report. Source for killings and disappearances under the Pinochet dictatorship.

[15] National Security Archive, Chile documentation. Source for U.S. covert efforts against Allende and the coup context.

[16] Encyclopaedia Britannica, "Iran Air Flight 655." Source for the shootdown, the death toll, and the dispute over the U.S. account of the aircraft's flight path.

[17] International Court of Justice, "Aerial Incident of 3 July 1988 (Islamic Republic of Iran v. United States of America)." Source for U.S. settlement with families of Flight 655 passengers.

[18] Kushi, S. & Toft, M.D., "Introducing the Military Intervention Project: A New Dataset on US Military Interventions, 1776-2019," Journal of Conflict Resolution (2023). Primary academic source for the ~400 intervention count, 80+ country count, post-1950 acceleration, post-Cold War pace, and regional breakdowns cited here. Compiled and cross-referenced with full country-by-country documentation at DaveManuel.com, "Every Country the United States Has Invaded, Bombed, or Staged a Coup In" (updated February 2026), which draws on MIP data, CRS reports, and CIA declassified records and provides the one-third-of-humanity bombing figure.

[19] Congressional Research Service, "Instances of Use of United States Armed Forces Abroad, 1798-2024" (CRS Report RL30172, updated regularly). The nonpartisan congressional reference tracking every overseas U.S. armed forces deployment since 1798. Cited as an independent corroborating dataset alongside the MIP academic record.


COH-CLAIM-003

Claim text
The political figures who commission and protect mass violence are rarely acting alone. Behind them sits a class of financial and corporate interests that owns the political process -- and that ownership is the primary reason criminal accountability never arrives.

Claim type
Interpretive

Status
Strongly inferred

Evidence basis
The claim draws on the page's original synthesis of political economy and accountability literature. It cites Michael Parenti on propertied-class control of Western democratic institutions, David Graeber on debt and financial obligation as instruments of political control, Norman Finkelstein on selective enforcement of international law, Jeremy Corbyn on concentrated corporate power, and Julian Assange on the interlocking structure of intelligence, finance, media, and military power.[1][2][3][4][5][6][7]

Strongest foreseeable challenge
The challenge is that this claim may be accused of collapsing complex political systems into a single ownership theory, or of inferring too much coordination from structural alignment and class interest.

Current answer
The claim expressly denies that every actor must coordinate consciously for the structure to operate. Its narrower point is that concentrated ownership creates aligned incentives, institutional pressure, and veto power that repeatedly protect elite perpetrators. Because that conclusion depends on pattern interpretation rather than one dispositive document, the page labels it strongly inferred rather than established.

Links
Evidence | Procedure | Indictment | Dossiers

Sources for COH-CLAIM-003

[1] Michael Parenti, Democracy for the Few, 9th ed. (Wadsworth, 2011). Source for the structural argument that Western democratic institutions systematically serve propertied class interests over popular ones.

[2] Michael Parenti, The Face of Imperialism (Paradigm Publishers, 2011). Source for the argument that imperialism is driven by the concrete economic interests of the corporate owning class, not by ideology or error.

[3] David Graeber, Debt: The First 5,000 Years (Melville House, 2011). Source for the historical analysis of debt and financial obligation as instruments of political control and mass subordination, and for the argument that states and financial systems have always been mutually constitutive.

[4] Norman Finkelstein, Gaza: An Inquest into Its Martyrdom (University of California Press, 2018). Source for the documented analysis of how powerful states selectively invoke and block international legal mechanisms based on whose interests are at stake, and how that selective enforcement produces systematic impunity.

[5] Jeremy Corbyn, foreword to Against Corporate Power, as cited in Morning Star (June 2023). Source for the argument that concentrated private corporate power has constructed a global institutional influence that systematically displaces democratic accountability, and that understanding its mechanics is a precondition for challenging it.

[6] Julian Assange, introduction to The WikiLeaks Files: The World According to US Empire (Verso, 2015). Source for the argument that US military power is deployed in the service of economic preeminence rather than territorial control, and for the documentary evidence showing how diplomatic, covert, and military resources are organized around maintaining the conditions for capital operation.

[7] Julian Assange, Cypherpunks: Freedom and the Future of the Internet (OR Books, 2012). Source for the analysis of financial surveillance and control networks as instruments of imperial power, and the description of the interlocking establishment -- intelligence, banks, media, landed interests -- as a shared interest structure rather than a directed conspiracy.


Status: This page is an initial public baseline. Additional claim packets are in preparation, and serious factual or procedural challenges should be answered under the Commonwealth's published correction and rebuttal process.